It’s important to not get ahead of ourselves at a difficult time like this. But some people who know that we dabble in Missouri history have asked if a Missouri governor has ever been impeached and removed from office.
The answer on impeachment is “no.” The answer to removal is “yes.” Herewith, we tell the tale.
Understand that impeachment is not the same as removal. Impeachment is the filing of charges against an office holder by the legislature. The removal trial is conducted by the Missouri Supreme Court. In the 1930s, under a different State Constitution, the House impeached State Treasurer Larry Brunk. At that time the trial was handled by the Missouri Senate, of which Brunk was a former member. Two-thirds of the senators had to vote to remove him. The Senate failed to get that two-thirds with some people saying it just could not remove a former member from a statewide office. True or not, Brunk completed his term.
That circumstance led to a change in procedure when a new constitution was adopted in 1945. It leaves impeachment to the House but the trial will be conducted by the Missouri Supreme Court. The process has been used only once, in 1994-1995, when Secretary of State Judi Moriarty was removed from office. The Supreme Court had to have a special witness box built for that occasion because the Supreme Court hears arguments only from attorneys. There was no testimony until this case came along.
The only governor removed from office in Missouri was Claiborne Fox Jackson in 1861. Jackson lied during his campaign by pretending to be against secession when actually he was plotting to take Missouri South. When he was sworn in, he immediately asserted that Missouri’s lot was tied to the fate of the seceding states. The legislature refused to vote on secession and instead called for a special convention to be convened to determine the proper course of action. About six weeks after Jackson took office, the convention of ninety-nine men met to chart a course for the state. Jackson had been stunned when he saw no avowed secessionists were in that group, which voted strongly to stay in the Union. He then declared Missouri would be an “armed neutral” if a civil war broke out.
When President Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand troops to defend the Union after the attack on Fort Sumter, Jackson replied, “Your resolution, in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional, and revolutionary in its object, inhuman, and diabolical and cannot be complied with. Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on any unholy crusade.”
By now, Jackson was clandestinely plotting with Jefferson Davis to move Missouri into the Confederacy. His big target was the St. Louis federal arsenal. He went so far as to ask Davis to send some cannons that could be used to seize it and ship its weapons to the Confederacy. But federal troops moved first.
Then-Captain, later General, Nathaniel Lyon, who was in charge of the arsenal, smelled out the deal and rounded up the troops Jackson was planning to use for the attack. He also rejected Jackson’s efforts to keep federal forces out of Missouri, remarking that he would see every man, woman, and child in the state dead before he would let Jackson and friends cut a deal that would prohibit federal troops from entering the state. Lyon gave Jackson and his military aide, Sterling Price, an hour to get out of town.
In a late-night session at the Capitol, Jackson asked legislators to follow him to Boonville where Missouri volunteers were going to take a stand against the Union Army. A couple of days later, Lyon and the Union Army took Jefferson City, and stabilized the situation by leaving a small unit of troops in charge of the town while Lyon got back on the boat and led his men to Boonville for Missouri’s first out-and-out-battle of the Civil War. Jackson and Price were soundly whipped and headed south to the safety of Arkansas and a link-up with Confederate troops there.
A majority of the Convention of ninety-nine did not join Jackson and Price. Although Jackson would maintain that he was running a government in exile, which soon declared it had seceded, he never had a quorum of the duly-elected legislature.
The Convention, back in Jefferson City, re-assembled in July and declared the office of governor to be vacant. Former Missouri Supreme Court Judge Hamilton Gamble was installed as the Provisional Governor. Other statewide offices were declared vacant, too, and filled with loyal Unionists among whom was the famous artist George Caleb Bingham, who became Treasurer.
The legality of the convention’s actions is not above question. But it was protected by a Union occupational force that wasn’t going to tolerate challenges to the convention’s authority.
We do not know specifically what Jackson swore to when he was sworn in as governor. The 1820 Missouri Constitution, which was still in effect, does not contain any oath language for the governor or for the legislature. Our present Constitution reiterates language from the 1875 Constitution: “I do solemnly swear, or affirm, that I will support the Constitution of the United States and of the state of Missouri, and faithfully perform the duties of my office, and that I will not knowingly receive, directly or indirectly, any money or other valuable thing for the performance or nonperformance of any act or duty pertaining to my office, other than the compensation allowed by law.”
That language only applies—in the Constitution—to members of the General Assembly. It is, however, the same language we have heard on a dozen occasions when governors have been inaugurated. Pretty clearly, Jackson had violated his oath of office to “support the Constitution of the United States and the State of Missouri,” and thus was subject to actions removing him from office. The legal standing of the Convention of 99 to do so has been argued, but wartime expedience prevailed.
Jackson died in 1862 and his elected Lieutenant Governor, Thomas C. Reynolds, became the leader of the self-proclaimed government in exile—which wound up headquartered in Marshall, Texas. He was with Price on the 1864 last-gasp attempt to regain Missouri for the South, hoping that Price’s army could seize Jefferson City and he could be sworn in as the legitimate governor, probably swearing to support the Confederate Constitution. But Price decided not to attack the capital city after surrounding it—he’d already had one catastrophic fight at Pilot Knob—and he moved on. Reynolds was irate but no amount of screaming and cursing could change the course of Price and his increasingly bedraggled troops who went on to a three-day fight at Westport before scrambling back to Arkansas, badly mauled by the Union Army.
And that’s the story of the only time a Missouri Governor was ever removed from office.
The office of Governor of Missouri has not become officially vacant since Mel Carnahan’s plane crash in 2000. What happened then raised some questions about gubernatorial succession that remain unanswered. We’ll have another history lesson next week.
Even though Sterling Price, a former Missouri Governor himself, went to Pilot Knob and Fort Davidson with 10,000 troops with Generals Shelby, Fagan, and Marmaduke (a governor-to-be) the entire 1864 Price campaign was doomed to failure by the time the Confederates left Pilot Knob. Price had lost his best infantry, mowed down in a series of disastrous frontal assaults on the Fort.
Shelby would later go on to become the US Marshal for the Western District of Missouri, a post he held until he passed away.Serious scholars of the Civil War consider him the best calvaryman produced by the Confederacy. Where J.E.B. Stuart ‘rode around McClellan’s Army”successfully, Shelby rode around Missouri with success.
Keep it up, Bob! Good information.