Author Archives: bpriddy

Maybe He Has It Backwards

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We saw a news account last weekend that our past president was suffering a severe case of the grumps.  Not sure why that’s news anymore. We’ve never known a grumpier politician, a person who’s just plain sour about almost everything.

It must have rained a lot at Mar-a-Lago this weekend, so much that he couldn’t occupy his mind chasing his golf ball around and was thus left to ruminate on why the world is so unfair to him.

He loves to use a phrase to discount the legitimacy of anybody who suggests he’s not his self-proclaimed genius.

Because the Wall Street Journal had the temerity to differ with him about the voting process in the Pennsylvania race for the U. S. Senate seat, he announced that the WSJ is a…

RINO.

Oh, dear.

We are sure the Journal is worried about mass subscription cancellations now that its secret has been revealed.

Here’s a novel thought.

Maybe it’s Donald Trump who is the RINO.

Maybe there are a lot of Republicans out there who would like to see their party reclaim itself with that simple revelation.

The very election results in Pennsylvania might point to that.

Trump’s man, Mehmet Oz, has 31.2% of the vote, as we write this.

That means 68.8% of the Republican ballots were cast for someone else.

So who’s the outlier here?  The two thirds of the voters who might consider themselves the real Republicans or the Oz supporter who is quick to call those he can’t convince by a name.

Donald Trump, the real RINO?

Just askin’.

 

Sports: Racing’s Biggest Weekend Ahead 

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By Bob Priddy, Missourinet Contributing Editor

The American Memorial Day Weekend is the biggest weekend of the year for motorsports not only in this country but in Europe.

The Indianapolis 500, NASCAR’s 600-mile race at Charlotte, and the Grand Prix of Monaco put automobile racing in the spotlight—-although there are some questions whether one of these races will remain part of the big weekend in the future.

(INDYCAR)—A year after arguably the most spectacular Indianapolis 500 in history, a record-setting field is prepared for the 106th running of The Greatest Spectacle in Racing. The fastest field in history will take the green flag Sunday.  The thirty-three cars have an average qualifying speed of 231.023 mph, with Scott Dixon’s record pole average of 234.046 mph leading the way.

It’s Dixon’s fifth pole, one behind the record held by Rick Mears. He is the first driver to win back-to-back poles for the 500 since Ed Carpenter did it in 2013 and 2014.

Dixon’s speed is the second-fastest qualification in track history.  Arie Luyendyk set the overall record of 236.896 in 1996 but as a second-day qualifier started behind cars that had qualified on the first day.

Dixon had to outrun two youngsters to win the pole.  Alex Palou qualified at 233.499 mph and Rinus VeeKay stopped the watches at 233.385.  It’s the fastest front row in 500 history.  They are separated by less than one-half second after their four-lap, 10-mile run.

Twenty-six of the thirty-three cars that will start the race next Sunday qualified at 230 mph or more.

Last year’s winner, Helio Castroneves, will try to become the first five-time winner of the Indianapolis 500. But he has a hard road ahead, starting 27th, on the outside of the ninth row.

Castroneves became the fourth four-time winning in a stunning race last year in which the race speed record was broken by three miles an hour. The top sixteen cars all averaged more than 190 mph and the slowest car to complete all 200 laps—Ryan Hunter Reay—was still faster than the old speed record. The last car still running—Will Power, three laps down—was running faster than the record  set in 2013 by Tony Kanaan.

(NASCAR)—NASCAR’s annual all-star race sets the stage each year for its longest race and this year the all-star race went longer than usual.  Ryan Blaney thought he had won this year’s race, at Texas Motor Speedway, but learned his celebration was a little premature.

Blaney crossed the start-finish line first but learned the yellow flag had come out while his car was a few yards short of the line because of a crash behind him by Ross Chastain.  The incident meant the race would be concluded with a green-white-checkered flag two-lap overtime.  He got a push from Austin Cindric that allowed him to get the break on the final green flag and stay ahead of Denny Hamlin by a quarter second at the final end.  Cindric, the rookie who won the Daytona 500 to begin the racing season in February, finished third.

(FORMULA 1)—Max Verstappen heads to the uncertain streets of Monte Carlo on a roll after a disappointing season start.  But his good fortune is built on the misfortune of his chief competitor for the early-season points lead.

Verstappen and Mercedes’ George Russell fought a spirited fight for second place in the early going of the Spanish Grand Prix while Charles Leclerc and his Ferrari maintained a lead. But Leclerc lost his engine after his first pit stop and Verstappen teammate Sergio Perez got past Russell to give the Red Bull team its first 1-2 finish of the year.  Russell came home third.  Leclerc’s teammate Carlos Sainz, was fourth and Lewis Hamilton persevered for fifth.

The win is Verstappen’s third in row, fourth in the last five races. His win and Leclerc’s misfortune has moved Verstappen into the points lead, six ahead of Leclerc.  Leclerc has won the other two races.

Mercedes, which has struggled this year, showed progress at Spain, with Russell finishing third and Hamilton coming from the back of the pack after an early-race incident to finish fifth, has indicated it might have some improvements to its cars for Monaco.

There are reports that this historic race is facing an uncertain future.  The Sun, a United Kingdom newspaper, reports Formula 1 is considering dropping Monaco as a race site or running there in alternating years.  F1 receives no sanctioning payments from Monaco and there are those who consider the circuit outdated and facilities inadequate.

 

A reporter’s life

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Sometimes reporters need some cheering up.  Sometimes the public needs a view from inside the profession.   The person who wrote an editorial called, “The Life of a Newspaper Man” published in the Jefferson City Daily Democrat-Tribune more than a century ago might have been thinking along those lines when this appeared in the May 5, 1912 edition:

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With the job of the newspaper man travels a silent companion. Trouble is his name and Worry is his sister.  Seven days out of six old man Trouble is on the job and the rest of the time his sister looks after his interest.  The newspaper man is between the devil and the deep blue sea during his waking hours and the chances are that his dreams are disturbed by gaunt specters of the day’s events.

If he asks questions he is impertinent, and if not he does not know his business. If he is observant, he is nosey and if not, he cannot deliver the goods.  If he hangs around he is in the way and if not something is sure to happen while he is away.  He must depend on others for information and if he does they forget to tell him.  If he honors official requests to suppress that story about Bill Jones because Bill’s first wife was a second cousin of a dear friend of Soandso, he is a good fellow, but he is not doing his duty to his paper or to the public.  He depends on the official for his information, but he depends also on the paper for his salary. If he suppresses the story he is looking for another job and if he does not he does not get the news.

A preacher in Los Angeles once delivered a violent sermon in which he denounced the newspapers and all of those connected with them as liars and crooks.  The next day they offered him the city editor’s desk of one of the great dailies in order that he might see the conditions under which a newspaper was made.  He held down the desk two hours and then made a public apology, saying that men who would work day in and day out under such a strain as did the staff of a newspaper were almost inhuman and due allowance should be made if they made mistakes.

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That was in the days before radio and television news and certainly before the days of cable television and internet punditry.  In 1981, your correspondent was part of a group that heard Walter Cronkite, the Missouri boy who became “the most trusted man in America” tell his colleagues in the electronic journalism business:

“What a THING it is to be a journalist.  God almighty; that’s the greatest thing in the world–to be a journalist. And there’s something wrong in this damn business of ours when there are too many people coming into it not to be journalists but to be a success, whatever the devil that means.

“I think there’s only one success in life for anybody who’s got the heart, compassion and courage to be a journalist, and that’s to be a journalist.

“…It worries me that in our communications schools we’re teaching how to communicate rather than how to be newspeople.

“It takes courage to be a journalist. It takes a courage that the public doesn’t know a damn thing about.  Not the courage to go out and face bullets and rocks and stones and shards of glass and the explosions of a terrorist bomb in a civil insurrection or a war.  That’s simple courage.  That’s macho courage.  That’s foolhardy courage at times.  It’s needed, and we’re certainly not going to deny the heroes their awards for that.

“But there are a lot of other kinds of courage it takes in this business.  It takes a kind of courage to face the ostracism of one’s neighbors, one’s friends, one’s golf companions on the 19th hole; when one is willing to get out there and say what’s right, what they know is right, and what they know must be reported to that community, to that state, if the nation is to live, and they’ll tell it, no matter what the fallout in their own social arrangement may be.”

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It’s not easy to be a journalist, whether print or electronic, in a time of division and an era where mistrust in our democratic institutions—including the press—is cultivated.

It is not easy for the journalist who is painted with the same broad public brush whether he or she works for a supermarket tabloid, gossip magazine, or for the New York Times and the Washington Post.

It is not easy to be a reporter in an era that encompasses Access Hollywood, The Daily Show, radio talk, 60 Minutes and the PBS Newshour and know that the public image of “the media” often lumps them together. But I’ve been in places where the journalist is not free to face the kind of public criticism or to face the limited public acclaim that American journalists face.

One of the many important penalties we have to pay as a free society is an aggressive, courageous press that is free to ask serious accountability questions to and about those to whom we have given power and to report the answers—with which we are free to disagree.  Say what you will about the press, but be grateful we live in a country that has a free one.

You could be someone hearing the Russian media version of what is happening in Ukraine.

 

 

Protest Ground Rules, Chapter Two

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Last Wednesday, we shared some observations about protestors gathering at the homes of Supreme Court Justices after the leak of a purported preliminary ruling throwing out Roe v. Wade.

Last weekend, the host of FOX News Sunday Night in America, Trey Gowdy, pointedly identified these targeted protests as more than illegal.  He argued they strike at the foundation of our nation and its liberties.

In an era where liberty and license are too easily confused—and where that confusion is often deliberately stoked by those who seek to grow their power from it to the detriment of the nation—one word seems expendable.

But Gowdy maintains that that single word is essential to our existence.

America has a rich history when it comes to protests. You can argue that our nation was formed as a protest. And the First Amendment certainly contemplated people would want to express their beliefs and assemble and petition the government. But there’s a very important word in the First Amendment that doesn’t get a lot of attention: the word “peaceably.” 

—as in the right of the people “peaceably” to assemble.

You may recall Chris Cuomo once asked, “show me where it says protestors are supposed to be police and peaceful.” Okay, Chris, it’s right there in the First Amendment, the same amendment which allows you and others to make a living on television. It requires peace, and if you’re not peaceful it’s a crime.

You are welcome to protest and you don’t have to be polite or fair or even accurate but you do have to be peaceful. 

Our next guest, Esther Salas, is a federal judge who was also the very proud parent of an outstanding young man. A little less than two years ago, they were at home enjoying each other as loving families do; the doorbell rang and her son Daniel bounded up the stairs to answer it. It was not a neighbor. It was not a deliveryman. It was a disgruntled lawyer armed with a gun and her home address and he shot her only son to death and seriously injured her husband.

This judge and her family were targeted because she was a judge. Becoming a federal judge is the pinnacle of a legal career. But it provides no insulation to the pain of losing a child to an act of violence.

And now there are people showing up at the homes of Supreme Court Justices. And to what end? For what purpose?

How does showing up at someone’s home advance your argument?

How is it persuasive to intimidate family members and neighbors? Do you really think you will change minds or change the way that judges look at cases and issues, by posing a threat? 

It’s against the law to show up at a judge’s house trying to intimidate or influence a decision. You are welcome to disagree with judges. You can take issues with their rulings, if you think a judge is wrong, you can appeal, you can defeat that judge at the ballot box or through impeachment. But you are not welcome to show up at a judge’s house to intimidate or influence that judge. 

And to that end, why are the home addresses of federal judges publicly available in the first place, especially as threats and security incidents against judges are on the rise?

Something is going on in this country and it is not good. Heckling people at restaurants, accosting them as they leave a rally or a political event, storming the Capitol, trespassing on other people’s property—to what end?

Your protest doesn’t have to be fair or accurate, although it would be much more persuasive if it was. Your protest doesn’t have to be polite although it’s ironic you are using bad behavior to complain about somebody else’s perceived bad behavior. But protests so have to be peaceful. And when they’re not, you give license on both sides of the ideological spectrum to do the same.

Protesters should be peaceful and law-abiding. Whether it is in pursuit of criminal justice reform, the counting of the electoral college, or decisions about what rights lie in the penumbra of other rights.

The law is about the only thing holding this country together right now. You are free to disagree with the law, argue against it, seek to change it.

You are not free to disregard it, because when you disregard the law, even in your pursuit of some perceived higher ideal, you weaken the law. And once it’s weakened, it is weakened forever. And you’re most assuredly not welcome to show up at a judge’s house to complain about a decision, no matter how strongly you feel. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NASKAR, Chaos in Indy, Mortification in Monte Carlo

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(NASKAR)—Kansas, Kurt, Kyle, Kyle.

Kurt Busch has won his first race at the Kansas Speedway after 33 career starts.  He now has at least one Cup victory in four different brands of cars—Ford, Dodge, Chevrolet, Toyota.

It’s his 34th career victory but the first one in a car designed to look like an Air Jordan tennis shoe.   And it’s the first time a car carrying the number 45 has won a Cup race since Lee Roy Yarbrough did it 58 years ago.

The number is significant because it’s one worn by team co-owner Michael Jordan, whose logo was on the hood of a car for the first time.

Bush had a two second-and-holding lead with 30 laps to go and did not need the caution flag with about thirty laps left.  He came out of the pits third.  He got past younger brother, Kyle, then set off to run down Kyle Larson—and got him with eight laps left, with an inside line.  Larson, running the rim, tagged the wall for the third time in the race, letting Busch get clear and pull away to a 1.3 second win.

It’s only the second victory for the 23XI team (23-11, two numbers associated with Jordan’s basketball career and the number campaigned by the other co-owner, driver Denny Hamlin) but the final result is the best-ever for the team.  Hamlin finished fourth and the third team driver, Bubba Wallace, rallied from a major pit road problem to finish tenth.  Wallace picked up the team’s first win at Talladega last year.

The race marked the halfway point in the 26-race regular season. Busch became the eleventh winner, leaving only five playoff spots to be determined by points—assuming there are no new winners in the next thirteen races.

NASCAR’s next points race is its longest, the 600 mile Memorial Day race at Charlotte.  Next week, Cup drivers race at the Texas Speedway in the annual non-points All-Star Race that pays the winner a million dollars.

(INDYCAR)—Wet.  No.  Dry.  Wait.  Wet.  Aww, Dry.  Raining in this corner.  Dry in this one.  Can’t see anything through the rooster tails of spray.  Oops.

The weekend road course race that kicks off the lead-in for the Indianapolis 500 in a couple of weeks has been pronounced “one of the wildest races” in recent history.  The win went to the driver who was able to best control the chaotic conditions for two hours.  Colton Herta was seriously sideways at least once but never went all the way around, as several competitors did, and in the end beat Simon Pagenaud to the checkered flag by about four seconds.

“This is the hardest race I think I’ve ever done,” said Herta afterward

Pagenaud, who climbed from 20th starting position despite the chaos, called the track “treacherous” at the end, when officials decided to stop the race after two hours instead of going the full 85-lap distance. Sixteen of the 27 starters were still on the same lap when the checkered flag game down on lap 75.

Will Power, who started from the pole, got the final podium position with Marcus Ericsson finding his way from 18th to fourth. “The craziest thing I’ve ever experienced,” said Connor Daley, who had his best finish of the year—fifth.

Almost half of the starters struggled with the fluctuating weather. Eight caution periods for 31 of the 75 laps involved 13 of the 27 cars in the field.

Today (Tuesday) the Speedway becomes the historic oval again and Helio Castroneves  begins his quest to be the first driver to win back-to-back 500s a second time, and the first driver to have five places on the Borg-Warner trophy.

(MONACO)—Suppose you were given a chance, at only 24 years of age, to drive one of the iconic Formula 1 race cars in a historic car event.  Suppose you were one of the top stars in today’s Formula 1 competition.  And suppose you wrecked the car that likely would bring several million dollars the next time it is auctioned.

Charles Leclerc was driving Niki Lauda’s Ferrari 312b3-74 in the Monaco Historic Grand Prix last weekend, when he backed it into the wall, damaging the rear wing which damaged the right rear wheel. Leclerc, who has two wins and two runner-up finishes in the first five races of the year. He was able to drive the car away from the crash site, but slowly.

The car is now privately owned.  Lauda was second in the F1 championship points that year but won the first of his three world championships in an updated 312 the next year.

(photo credits:   (Busch, Herta) Bob Priddy; (Ferrari): Andrew and Alan Frost, Wikimedia Commons, https://flickr.com/photos/95472204@N03/28578702257)

Slouching into adjournment

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Jacques reflects on life in Shakespeare’s As You Like It:

 All the world’s a stage,

And all the men and women merely players;

They have their exits and their entrances;

And one man in his time plays many parts,

They’re gone.  They’re done.  The chambers are dark and cool.  The hearing rooms are empty and quiet.  The unpopulated rotunda echoes with the sounds of a few footsteps.

The players have departed, some to return but others now of no further use, their importance immediately extinguished because they can no longer do things for people who want things done.

Some of those who have served will never be seen again in these hallways.  Their offices soon will be occupied by some other temporary presence who will come to this time, too.

And what have they left behind? What lasting benefit was there of their service?

The fact that they served, that they sought the responsibilities and the obligations of office, can be enough.

Some—those who will never again do anything as consequential as vote on some pages of words that establish allowable behaviors for six million people—might have time now to ponder their legacies.  Did they benefit all Missourians or just a few?  Did they protect the many or place a few ahead of them?  Will their time in the Capitol matter in the arc of history.

Or does it make any difference?

We have found ourself wondering during this session what some departing members will consider their legacy. When the last newspaper article is written about them, will one of their distinguished accomplishments be that they shut down the Senate for half of the session, for purely partisan and sometimes personal reasons?

For those who won’t be back in either the House or the Senate, will they be remembered because they almost were part of the least productive legislative session in modern history?  If the House had not approved twenty Senate-passed bills on Friday, the day after the Senate quit a day early, this session would have approved only 23 non-budget bills. The record low number in modern times is 31 in 2020, when the pandemic scrambled everything.  What scrambled everything this year was the conservative caucus in the Senate that believed its seven members should tell 17 other Republican Senators and ten Democrats how to run the place.

Our friend Rudi Keller says the average number of bills passed since 1981 was 155.

Senator Emory Melton, who served 28 years from Cassville, once opined that “it is not the bills that pass sometimes; it’s the bills that DON’T pass.”  A lot of bills didn’t pass this year, good ones and bad ones that were sentenced to death, early, by seven of 197 legislators who thought the congressional redistricting map should be about partisan politics rather than about public representation in Government.

We wonder if anyone considers whether a law they sponsored will still be on the books twenty-five years from now.

Will two legislators who talked to each other during debate almost every stay in touch even one year after leaving the capitol?

All glory is fleeting, said Patton.  All glory is fleeting but obscurity is forever, said Napoleon. How many years will elapse before one of their townsfolk is surprised to learn they once served in the Missouri General Assembly?

What’s done is done. The session will be recalled for the stalemate that froze the Senate for half the session.  It will be recalled because one chamber threw in the towel a day early and the other gave up before the statutory deadline on the last day.  Well after any memories of individual accomplishments, this session will be recalled for those things.

Grantland Rice, the dean of sportswriters in the 1920s, 30s, and 40s—–the man who described the Notre Dame backfield as “The Four Horsemen”—wrote a poem titled, The Record:

When the game is done and the players creep

One by one to the League of Sleep,

Deep in the night they may not know

The way of the fight, the fate of the foe.

The cheer that passed, the applauding hands,

Are stilled at last — but the Record stands.

 

The errors made, and the base hits wrought;

Here the race was run! There the fight was fought.

Yet the game is done when the sun sinks low

and one by one from the field they go;

Their day has passed through the Twilight Gates,

But the Scroll is cast — and the Record waits.

 

So take, my lad, what the Great Game gives,

For all men die — but the Record lives.

 

 

 

 

 

Protest Ground Rules

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There are few, apparently.

The Hill, a political newspaper in Washington, D.C., reported a couple of days ago that “Abortion rights activists in recent days have gathered outside the homes of three conservative Supreme Court justices to protest Roe v. Wade’s potential demise, taking their advocacy in an intensely personal and politically divisive direction.”

The homes are those of Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts. The article says the protests have “forced the White House to navigate a thorny question about the proper bounds of political discourse…” While outgoing press secretary Jen Psaki denounced threats of violence but stopped short of condemning the demonstrations—“We certainly allow for peaceful protest in a range of places in the country. None of it should violate the law,” she said.

But violating the law might be what they’re doing.  A friend of ours has pointed out Federal U.S. code 1507 that says any individual who “pickets or parades” with the “intent of interfering with, obstructing, or impeding the administration of justice, or with the intent of influencing any judge, juror, witness, or court officer” near a U.S. court or “near a building or residence occupied or used by such judge, juror, witness, or court officer” will be fined, or “imprisoned not more than one year, or both.”

We’ll wait to see if the Justice Department steps in.

These protests, while posing some liability for the participants, are not likely to be severe enough to launch a May 9th investigative committee.

But the circumstances do raise related issues about protests whether at courthouses, capitols, or street corners. Some are constitutional. Some are practical.

We have witnessed a lot of protests in a lot of years, including the storming of the local newspaper by Lincoln University students upset about an editorial highly-critical of Martin Luther King just days before his death, and disturbances on the campus (Lincoln in an HBCU, for those unfamiliar with the school) for a couple of years that resulted in a National Guard presence.

We have seen people standing quietly in front of the post office holding signs urging us to get out of Vietnam, Afghanistan, the United Nations, etc.

Many years ago when gay rights was in a much earlier stage we remember seeing members of a group called ACT-UP! Marching around the state seal in the Capitol rotunda chanting, “You say ‘don’t f—k,’ we say ‘f—k you!”’  That pretty well ended organized political protests in the Capitol.

We watched the Medicaid 23 interrupt Senate debate on Medicaid expansion one day with prayers and songs. They wound up being charged and dragged into court.

Prayers, cursing, burning, quietly holding signs are all part of our rights as American citizens to protest. It’s right there in the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law… abridging the freedom of speech…or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”

So protesting grievances is an inborn right of Americans. The accompanying responsibility for doing so in a way that does not violate the word “peaceably” belongs to the demonstrators and the subjective judgment of what is beyond propriety lies with the justice system that has the U.S. Code on one hand and the First Amendment on the other.  .

Attached to that system is another value judgment that lies with the protesters: Will the event do harm or good to the causes of the protestors?

Frankly, we doubt demonstrations at the Supreme Court building  influence the opinion-makers inside the building very much if at all.  We do find targeting the private spaces of the judges by demonstrating at their homes is an unwarranted invasion of their lives and certainly the lives of their families and their neighbors.

Your quiet observer doesn’t even like it when a car goes slowly through my neighborhood with the bass turned all the way up in the large speakers in the backseat and shakes the windows of his house.

In our fervid proclamations of our rights, it is easy to overlook the responsible, reasonable, and respectful exercise of them. Trying to use statements of our rights as bludgeons doesn’t seem from this lofty view to be a responsible action to take.

But what is left when leaders appear to be unmotivated by the responsible, the reasonable, and the respectful?

Whatever it is, it must be a principle of our freedoms that the mob cannot be allowed to rule. It can express itself.  But decisions must be made in cooler surroundings than on the passionate streets.  And the likely best decisions are most often made in the quiet regardless of whether they please us.

Decisions by the courts can be protested in the courts with better arguments than those shouted outside the fences that protect the decision-makers.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sports Page—Racing: Punting in Auto Racing

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By Bob Priddy, Missourinet Contributing Editor

(NASCAR)—Finishes of NASCAR races of late have had something of an NBA quality to them of late with last-laps events that determine winners.

Case in point: Darlington, Joey Logano—pardon us for mixing our sports terms here—punted race leader William Byron into the wall on the last restart to end a 40-race winless streak.

Logano becomes the tenth winner in the season’s first dozen races. He now has at least one win in the last eleven seasons.

Logano, who started on the outside of the first row on the last restart, complained Byron went up the track and pinched him against the wall. With two laps to go, Logano got his revenge, bumping Byron in the third turn, sending him into the wall and Logano into the lead. He got the checkered flag about three-quarters of a second in front of Tyler Reddick.

“If someone’s going to be willing to do that to you, then the gloves are off,” Logano said after the race. “There’s something to be said for an angry race car driver.”

Byron brought his damaged car home 13th and he did have something to say: “He slammed me so hard, it knocked all the right side off the car and sent me into the corner. He’s just a moron. He can’t win a race, so he does it that way.”

Also having behavioral problems was to-time series champion Kyle Busch who had nowhere to go when another wreck took out former NASCAR champion, Brad Keselowski. He took his car to the pits but instead of driving it into the garage area, he climbed out and abandoned it. That forced NASCAR to close the pits to other drivers until Busch’s car could be hauled away.

Only 23 of the 36 starting cars were still on the track at the end.  The 13 DNFs equaled the season high established at Talladega last month.

The show moves to the Kansas Speedway, just west of Kansas City last weekend.

(FORMULA 1)—The first Formula 1 Miami Grand Prix has gone to Max Verstappen, who is charging back through the points standings after a dismal start to the season.  Verstappen started from the second row with Ferrari duo Charles Leclerc and Carlos Sainz, bolted around Sainz on the first turn then hunted down Leclerc on lap nine to take a lead he never surrendered.

Verstappen now has three wins and has cut Leclerc’s points lead to 19. Just two races ago he was 46 points behind.

The drivers are calling for improvements in the course. Some suggested the pavement need to be fixed, complaining driving in some areas was like driving on a wet track. The situation made passing difficult and led to some straight-line racing.

Grand Prix managing partner Tom Garfinkel promised organizers will take “a really hard look” at the situation “and make the track as good as we can.”

(INDCAR)—Three drivers are locked in a tight three-way points chase as INDYCAR heads to the Indianapolis Motor Speedway for next weekend’s May race on the road course.  Although Josef Newgarden has won twice, he’s only third in the points behind runnerup and Penske team member Scott McLaughlin and winless points leader Alex Palou. The three are separated by only nine points with the road course race next weekend and the Indianapolis 500 on the 29th.

(Photo credit: Bob Priddy)

A Reading List

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This is the last week of the legislative session.  Time is even more precious now and the risk that some worthwhile things will be talked to death is greatest.

This session already will be remembered as the year the Missouri Senate became a reading club.  A lousy one.

Not only were the choices of reading material poor, the reading of the material was fingernails-on-the-blackboard irritating.

Not only was their choice of material and their delivery of it lifeless, spiritless, colorless, arid, tedious (we could go on—we found a listing of 50 synonyms for “boring”), it set a low bar for being educational.

If unrecoverable hours of members’ lives will be taken from them, they at least should have the opportunity to turn the torturous time into a learning experience.

To solve this problem, we suggest that the Senate set aside funds to hire temporary personnel who have professional reading skills and employ them as part-time reading clerks—overnight reading hours would demand heftier salaries but it would be a small price to pay for making the Senate a more enlightened chamber.  Accompanying this recommendation is a suggested rule change that any group fomenting a filibuster must commit to staying in the chamber for the duration of the readings, thus guaranteeing that SOMEBODY will learn something.

Herewith, then, we offer a reading list for filibusters in hopes that consumption of those hours will provide participants and listeners alike some value.  We regret that we cannot guarantee that the readers can do a better job than they did this year.

Our Declaration: A Reading of the Declaration of Independence in Defense of Equality by Danielle Allen, a professor at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. While most of us have read the Declaration or have heard it read, this book is a highly-informative explanation of the care that went into each paragraph and sometimes each word of our nation’s foundational document and how the elements of the Declaration fit together and constitute the legal framework that led to the writing of the United States Constitution.

America’s Unwritten Constitution: The Precedents and Principles We Live By, by Akil Reed Amar, who teaches Constitutional Law at Yale College and Yale Law School. Amar is considered “one of America’s pre-eminent legal scholars” who explains why the Constitution does not set forth all of the rights, principles, and procedures that govern our nation. He maintains that the Constitution cannot be understood in textual isolation from a changing world and the laws that change with it.

The End of White Christian America by Robert P. Jones, a former psychology professor at Missouri State University who now leads the Public Religion Research Institute, that examines what is happening because our nation is no longer an evangelical majority white Christian nation and the political and cultural effects of that change. The book explores that change, its implications for the future, and why those who fear the future should instead understand how the positive values of white Christian America will survive.

New World, Inc., by John Butman and Simon Targett. The authors explain that it was commerce, not religious freedom, that was the motivating factor for the earliest explorations and settlements of our nation.

The Wordy Shipmates, by Sarah Vowell. Ms. Vowell is greatly entertaining in explaining who the Puritans on which so much of our standard history is based really were as human beings—and they were pips and not necessarily pure..

Marooned: Jamestown, Shipwreck, and a New History of America’s Origin, by Joseph Kelly, takes us to the dangerous, desperate times overlooked in our usual histories. We do not often consider that those who came to this side of the Atlantic placed themselves in a hostile world for which most were unsuited to settle with no guarantees that new supplies to sustain them would arrive later  It also explores the papal-approved concept that if a land was not populated by Christians, it was proper—a duty, in fact—for Christians to take that land regardless of the cost to those who inhabited it.

El Norte: The Epic and Forgotten Story of Hispanic North America, by Carrie Gibson.  Long before the Pilgrims and the Puritans arrived on this side of the pond, the Spanish were here as conquerors, settlers, enslavers, missionaries, and adventurers.  But most of our history is based on, as poet Walt Whitman put it, the idea that this nation was founded as a second England.

There are several others that could broaden understanding of who laid the foundation for our country and the opportunities and the missed opportunities to recognize them that shape our attitudes today, and not always in a positive way.

If the Senate, or a small part of it, wants to kill time and possibly beneficial legislation (for somebody) in the process, it should at least contribute to improving the general knowledge of our nation, at least for the Senator who should fill his mind while killing everybody else’s time, and for those who might stick around if there’s something worthwhile to listen to.  And with these books, there is.

We offer these suggestions with no hope that they will amount to anything.

But that doesn’t keep individual members of the legislature—and the public—from becoming better citizens by broadening their understanding of our nation’s roots.

 

 

The Light

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—is starting to grow larger at the end of the tunnel.

The last week and a half of the legislative session is here.  It’s time for legislators wanting another two or four years in Jefferson City to get the heck out of town and start telling the folks why they deserve another term, or a term of some other kind that lets them remain at the public trough.

The biggest budget in state history, bloated with federal pandemic relief funds, must be resolved by Friday—and it probably will be.  But the session is likely to be recalled for its divisions in the Senate and the lost first half of the session to filibusters that went beyond making a point, whatever it was.

It won’t be much to go home and brag about in this campaign year.  And for those who will be spending their last days as decision-makers for the state, this year won’t be much of a legacy to be mentioned in the last newspaper article written about them.

It could be worse.

We remember when sessions went until June 15 in non-election years with a midnight adjournment.  Given what we’ve seen this year, we are intensely grateful that custom was ended some time ago when reason was more present in the General Assembly.